The South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation, or SAARC,
forum has
ended on a cautiously optimistic note in Islamabad
The most significant breakthrough in this year's summit was
the thawing of tense relations between nuclear rivals India
and Pakistan.
Meeting on the sidelines of the 12th summit of the forum,
both countries spoke amicably on strengthening bilateral ties
and efforts to resolve the Kashmir issue.
So, what has the summit achieved then?
Felix Tan put this question to Mr Agha Sahi (AS), the president
of the Islamabad Council of World Affairs in Pakistan:
AS: "It has achieved a great improvement in the atmosphere
of India and Pakistan relations. And of course, it has revived
SAARC into activity. I think, from that point of view, considering
its track record when empty communiqués were issued,
I think this time, there seems to be unanimity on trying to
make SAARC both meaningful and effective. But very much depends
on the implementation that is left to the member countries.
But I think, perhaps, it is giving a new start to SAARC."
What do you think is the future of India-Pakistan relations
or do you think that the improved ties will be short-lived
once again?
AS: "I am a little more hopeful that it will be more
than short-lived because there are the new realities that
are dawning on both countries. Now, India has remained rigid
- it has not made a matching response to Musharraf's offer
to be flexible. Musharraf even went to the extent of saying
he will put the UN resolution, put them aside, and discuss
other solutions or other options. Now, this was a very fundamental
concession that Musharraf made because the whole focus-stand
of Pakistan depends on the UN resolution. So, therefore, clarifications
have been issued by the Prime Minister and Foreign Minister
to say that this does not mean that Pakistan has abandoned
its stand on the UN resolutions. Because those resolutions
are the foundation of our stand as a party to the Kashmir
dispute. This shows the extent of flexibility that Musharraf
is prepared to be ready to accept, provided there is movement
on India's part. But its stand remains rigid. Now, I think
if there is a dialogue, and I hope that
it will be initiated soon, I think on Kashmir, I think, unless
there is a change in India's attitude? And I am afraid, although
Mr Vajpayee is a moderate face of the BJP - his ruling political
party - but he has extremist elements, ultra-nationalistic
elements intertwined in his party and whether he can carry
that along, if he wants to come to an equitable settlement
on Kashmir with Pakistan - this is the question. So far, the
track record has not been optimistic."
Besides Kashmir, what other obstacles, do you think, there
will be in any further thawing of the tense relationship between
India and Pakistan?
AS: "You see, India aspires to become a world power
and it has contracted that kind of tacit alliance with Israel
and America. America wants India to be a counter-balancing
factor to China. I am not necessarily saying in a military
confrontation, but in diplomacy, in ordering the affairs of
the world. So, therefore, this position and this kind of weight
that has been given to India does effect the Pakistan-India
equation. We cannot totally disregard the importance of the
military factor in this because international politics are
being militarized by the new foreign policy of the United
States' of pre-emption, of unilateralism. So, in that aspect,
India has embarked on the road of militarization of increasing
its military capabilities and that does affect the relationship
because, in the last resort, even when you sit down for negotiations,
the two parties depend on the weight the military and economic
might of each party."
The United States has decided to stay on the sideline, so
to speak. Now, what are some of the reasons why the US is
so-called consciously staying out of this matter between India
and Pakistan?
AS: "For the very simple reason that India does not
want it. It has its own kind of implicit doctrine. It does
not want any country to facilitate as a mediator or arbitrator
in the relations of the people of South Asia. Because India
says this must be dealt with bilaterally. In other words,
it is an implicit doctrine of creating a sphere of Indian
influence extending over the whole of South Asia. It considers
itself the successor to the British imperial power, which
dominated the Indian Ocean region from Suez right up to the
Straits of Malacca. Now, these are the Indian ambitions and
aspirations and therefore, it does not want America to come
in. And on the other hand, in Pakistan, there is a growing
realization that as India is now embraced as a strategic partner
by the United States, there is considerable skepticism in
Pakistan that if America were to act as a mediator, it would
be tilted, it would tilt its way on the side of India."
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