By: Karim Raslan
First published: 27 May 04, TODAY

Malaysian Premier Abdullah Ahmad Badawi arrives in Beijing today on his first non-Asean diplomatic foray.

Emboldened by a surging economy and a huge victory in the polls, he chose to visit China ahead of the United States and Japan. This decision underlines two emerging themes in regional geopolitics. It also represents an important "coming of age" in Malaysia's race-dominated politics.

The first theme - the might and long-term potential of the Chinese economy even as preparations are being made for a "soft landing" - is well documented.

However, the second - the transformation of China's diplomacy - is often overlooked. Coincidentally, Beijing's increasing sophistication and subtlety have been matched by the US' complacency and neglect of South-east Asia, not withstanding its vast commitments to the region.

The region is so enthralled by China's potential that Mr Abdullah will be accompanied by a business delegation of well over 800 people. This entourage follows a similar high-profile delegation led by Brazil's President Luis Inacio Lula da Silva.

Certainly, China has had a significant impact on the Malaysian economy. Over the past 10 years, it has become Malaysia's fourth-largest trading partner as bilateral trade mushroomed from US$2 billion ($3.4 billion) in 1993 to well over US$18 billion last year. Interestingly, Malaysia, a majority-Muslim nation with a population of only 24 million, is China's largest trading partner both from the Association of South-east Asian Nations and the broader Islamic world.

Clearly, it recognises China's insatiable appetite for its natural resources - ranging from palm oil, rubber, natural gas and petroleum; and Mr Abdullah will be seeking to showcase these strengths.

Of course, Malaysia cannot rest on its laurels. It must continue to enhance its competitiveness, its infrastructure and human-resource capabilities to remain a viable centre for manufacturing in the face of China's overwhelming might.

At the same time, its predominantly Malay civil service has to adjust to the realities of China's growing intellectual and political might. Certainly, graduates from universities such as Beijing, Fudan and Tsinghua should not be placed in a position where their qualifications are not accepted by the Malaysian authorities.

One of Malaysia's great strengths is its dynamic and vibrant Chinese-language education system, newspapers and cultural associations. In the past, cultural activists fought to defend the system. They too must become less confrontational and more complementary - exploiting the economic and business opportunities with China.

Malaysia must acknowledge the reality and ensure that race-based politics do not block young Malays from benefiting from the extraordinary cultural and linguistic wealth China has to offer.

The Malaysian Chinese cannot be the only beneficiaries of China's growth. The country's Bumiputras should also be winners. Mature leadership and pragmatism are vital in this respect.

But that is not all. The visit also marks the 30th anniversary of diplomatic relations between China and its oldest friend in South-east Asia.

Till the mid-70s, China was supporting anti-government insurgencies across the region. Given the turmoil and the Vietnam War, Malaysia's decision to establish relations was entirely unexpected. But since then, Chinese diplomacy within South-east Asia has been utterly transformed. China, with the exception of its hard-line on Taiwan, has become an increasingly subtle and sensitive regional player.

Professor Wang Gang Wu, the director of the Singapore-based East Asian
Institute, explained: "Over the past 10 years, China has worked hard to minimise its negative image. The Chinese want South-east Asians to trust them as reliable and responsible neighbours."

At the same time, China has been discreet but firm in its promotion of issues that resonate within the developing world. It has been critical of the World Trade Organization and the invasion of Iraq. In this respect, the independent - and at times anti-American - diplomatic positions adopted by countries such as Malaysia (and indeed, Brazil) have found strong, if understated support, from Beijing.

China has become a respected and valued interlocutor for the Third World. Mr Jawhar Hassan, director-general of Malaysia's leading think-tank, the Institute of Strategic and International Studies argues that China has now become an exemplary member of the global community: "If you want to look for models of international behaviour, China seems to be teaching us a great deal more than the US."

China's leaders also realise that the Middle Kingdom's prestige is enhanced with every American setback in the Middle East. Professor Wang concurs: "The US really has not bothered in the region. It is distracted elsewhere."

Finally, the confidence with which Mr Abdullah - a Malay Muslim Premier - has been able to embrace China, is an indication of the extent to which Malaysia's domestic race relations have improved.

While tensions between the Malay Muslim community and the commercially-influential ethnic Chinese remain, they have been subsumed within the broader national agenda of shared prosperity and development.

The resolution of these issues provides the platform for Malaysia to harness the economic potential of its unique multi-cultural heritage. The engagement with China is merely a prelude to what should be taking place with India and Indonesia in turn over the next few years.