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The US government has been asked to step up military aid
to Taiwan, so as to guard against possible attacks from China.
This was one of the proposed defense reforms suggested by
the US-China Economic and Security Review Commission, as they
re-assessed the one-China policy drafted 25 years ago.
Will such proposed reforms bring about changes in America's
present position on Cross-Strait relations?
A question Melanie Yip put to Paul Harris (PH), Associate
Professor of Politics at Lingnan University in Hong Kong.
PH: I don't think it is going to change the US policy position
at all. The US position is that it would not support Taiwanese
independence. There are a lot of things that can be lumped
under that rubric. But I don't think that the fundamental
thing will change. The United States will continue to recognize
one-China. However, it is also the US position that it would
not support a change in the current circumstances through
aggression. What this report is going to do is give further
support in domestic American politics , in the Bush Administration,
particularly people in Congress who want to continue to comply
with the Taiwan Relations Act by beefing up Taiwanese defense.
Is Washington over-reacting by stepping up Taiwan's defense
against China?
PH: Let's be clear here, this is just a small group of people
(in the commission). So you would normally expect to come
up with a position that more or less falls in line with the
status quo position within the Congress and US government.
And that group is very much supportive of Taiwan and its de
facto independence and autonomy. What it means is that it
is going to be more difficult for those moderates within the
US government, and perhaps, in the Bush Administration in
opposing to Taiwan's request for more armaments to protect
itself from the mainland.
How will China react to these proposed reforms?
PH: Of course this does pose potential problems because the
mainland would not like it at all. On the other hand, it may
give some impetus for the Chinese military and officials in
Beijing to deploy missiles in the Taiwan Strait and otherwise
threatening Taiwan and the present status quo.
The US-China Economic and Security Review Commission has
called for reforms on Washington's economic policies towards
Beijing as well. What forms of economic revisions will be
affected?
PH: There is a belief on the part of some sectors of influential
people in the US, including various branches of government,
that the present economic engagement with mainland China which
may or may not be good for America's economic and business
interest, may not be good for America's long term security
interests. There is a conception on the part of many people
in the East, South East and Central Asia that a strong, and
integrated China with the regional and global economy, is
going to be a good thing. But looking down the road, many
Americans would argue that all this does is strengthen China
and eventually allow it to transition from its traditional
role as an isolating state to one that becomes more aggressive
towards it neighbors.
Curt Weldon, a Republican Party Representative feels that
the US government was not strict in imposing sanctions against
China for violation of arms control agreements. He cited that
out of 48 cases of agreement violations by China, only 13
cases were sanctioned. What are the reasons that are preventing
the US from imposing sanctions against China for these violations?
PH: One perhaps could boil it down to September 11 and the
war on terrorism. The United States wants the cooperation
and support of China, in its efforts to fight against Al Qaeda
and other terrorists. The United States needs China to deal
with other problems in the region like North Korea. So it
is a pro-quo, despite what some of the right wing in the United
States would like. I think the importance of China within
the region, and more broadly, in America's war against terror,
means that the Bush Administration, and the arch-conservative
they are in cannot do precisely what they want.
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