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Leaders at the two-day summit of the North Atlantic Treaty
Organisation or NATO in Istanbul have offered to help train
new Iraqi security forces.
However, it is still unclear whether training would be on
Iraqi soil or not as NATO members France and Germany have
said that they are unwilling to send troops into Iraq.
So, why are France and Germany still determined not to get
involved in the Ira crisis?
Felix Tan put this question to Professor Ray Nicols (RN),
former head of department of politics at Monash University
in Australia:
RN: I think one has to go back to the beginning of
the build-up to the US invasion, which is just over a year
over ago now. And remember how adamant France and Germany
both were against the invasion. They argued that it was not
justified, that there should only be an operation on the auspices
of the UN and the UN had not really sanctioned what President
Bush was doing. To a large degree, France and Germany have
both held that position. Now it is true that they have tried
very hard to cultivate good relations with the Bush administration
compared to what they were a year and a year and a half ago.
And certainly, things have
but it had been a strong
point of French foreign policy - almost regardless of who
is President or Prime Minister for at least 50 years now -
a legacy of the old Gaullist position - a fear of American
hegemony being right at the centre. Germany has been different,
of course
Germany has been the staunchest US ally for
years, but one must remember that the Chancellor won his last
election and got back in office by opposing the US involvement
in Iraq. So, none of this is new and most of it is to be expected.
But do you think that we might see NATO splitting up, I mean
not disintegrating, but splitting up because of the obvious
disagreements between the members over the Iraqi issue?
RN: I think a lot of people wonder whether or not NATO
has perhaps reached its used-by date
one wonders what
is its justification now - 10 years after the end of the Cold
War. There has been a great of talk among the major military
powers in Western Europe about combining to create some EU
military force. Now, that is still more on the drawing board
than it is in reality. But it does indicate a capacity to
think outside the confines of NATO. NATO is something, which
the US has held on to because it is a useful title for the
US to operate many of its European connections. Whether the
EU continues to think that way, especially with its expansion
is a dubious question. Now, the Eastern countries have joined
the EU more recently and are sympathetic towards the idea
of NATO because they see it as historically as a defence for
them against the threat of hegemony from Russia
but
things change and that may be one of them.
Although some NATO members have said or at least agreed to
help train the Iraqi security forces, how will such an event
take place - even now they cannot decide where the training
will take place, whether on Iraqi soil or out of Iraqi soil?
RN: Well, that is one of these fine points that has
to be decided and I suspect they will reach some point of
agreement. But I also think that one has to realise that there
is less than great enthusiasm on the part of European countries
for its involvement in Iraq, even on a training basis. Again,
it is a question of whether or not the UN is really the dominant
force - not just the titular, legitimating power - but the
actual force in Iraq. And that is clearly not the case. It
is clearly the United States and to a lesser degree, Britain
and then to a much lesser degree, the other countries that
are giving support. And as the formal hand over to the interim
Iraqi government approaches - we are just two days and some
hours away from that now - it does not look at though the
security situation has improved. If anything, it looks as
though it is deteriorating and it is hardly surprising that
a lot of countries would be uneasy about getting involved.
Although, of course, it is also the sad case that the mess
having been created
someone does need to pick up the
pieces.
The looming beheading of the three Turkish hostages in Iraq,
what position will this situation put Turkey in?
RN: Turkey is in a very difficult position. It has
been for many years now attempting to get into the EU itself
and there is a very mixed set of attitude within the EU. The
issue is partly cultural, it is partly religious, it has a
large population and it would become the second most populous
country if it joins the EU. And of course, there is the issue
of religious differences. But Turkey is also seen by many
people as the absolutely crucial bridge between the Islamic
countries of the Middle East and the traditionally Christian
countries of Europe - that is the position it has occupied
for many, many years. It is worth remembering that Turkey
has specific problems of its own. The largest of course is
the threat of Kurdish independence movement. The movement
that would break off bits of Syria, Iraq, Iran and Turkey
and create a new Kurdistan - a new national homeland for the
Kurdish people who have been struggling against the majorities,
which dominate them in all sorts of areas. It is worth also
remembering, more specifically, that when the US invasion
of Iraq began, the Turks refused to allow the alliance to
come in through Turkey to use Turkish airspace and Turkish
grounds for an incursion on the northern border. Now, there
was a compromise that was eventually made and the coalition
invading Iraq did get some logistics support and access through
into northern Iraq through Turkey, but that was the most dramatic
stance for the Turks to make and it certainly altered the
nature of the invasion quite radically. That is well in everyones
memories. It is hardly surprising that the Turks see themselves
as not simply in a difficult position, but somewhat beleaguered.
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