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A survey by the Institute for the Study and Advancement of
Business Ethics in Indonesia has revealed that Indonesian
voters who backed the Golkar party in parliamentary elections
would not support presidential candidates from the party when
they go to the polls on Monday.
Golkar won about 21 percent of the vote in the April parliamentary
election.
But this survey shows that only about 10 percent of respondents
who said they voted for Golkar in April, would vote for Wiranto
and Solahuddin Wahid, Golkar's representatives in the upcoming
presidential election.
So why is party loyalty not a factor in voters' choice for
president in this case?
Bharati Jagdish (BJ) put this to political analyst, Dr Greg
Barton (GB)from the Deakin University in Australia.
GB: "There seem to be two things going on here. One
is that Akbar Tandjung as Golkar chairman and the Golkar establishment,
who were very surprised when Wiranto managed to beat Akbar
Tandjung in the Golkar convention to become the party's presidential
nominee, are not getting behind Wiranto. The second thing
is that across the country, people are saying, "Well,
I voted for a political party in April, why can't I choose
who I want to be president in July regardless of which political
party they come from?""
BJ: So, in your opinion, would this extend across the board
and apply to other candidates as well?
GB: "Well, it certainly seems to apply to Megawati Sukarnoputri
who is, like Wiranto, getting only about half of her PDI-P
parliamentary vote, if polls are to be believed. She seems
likely to get perhaps 11 percent or 12 percent of the vote
despite her party getting 20 percent of the vote in April.
On the other hand, Amien Rais, although his party didn't do
so well in April, looks like his presidential vote will increase
over his party vote, maybe because the Prosperous Justice
Party seems to be getting behind him. But it does seem to
be case in this first-ever direct presidential election that
people are saying, "well, voting for parties in parliament
is one and voting for presidents is another thing altogether".
Perhaps people are hedging their bets. They don't mind PDI-P
or Golkar getting a fair number of votes in terms of seats
in parliament, but when it comes to a president, they don't
mind having somebody else in order to keep things in check,
in order to keep the party and the president honest."
BJ: Now, according to this survey, Wiranto and Solahuddin
Wahid came in tops when it came to rating the candidates'
concern for the common people. What are the factors that could
have led to this perception?
GB: "Well, Yudhoyono is universally-liked. People across
all parties like him, but a lot of people do say that he seems
rather aloof, whereas Wiranto carries a lot of historical
baggage because of his leadership of the Indonesian military
under Suharto, not just because of East Timor, but because
of the May 1998 riots and because of the use of civil militia
in the months that followed. Yet Wiranto has a very warm,
very charming manner. He knows how to win over a crowd. Yudhoyono
seems rather aristocratic and aloof. Nice, but distant. At
this point, people seem to think that what matters most is
to have a strong, clean leader, even if he's a little distant,
it doesn't really matter. People like Wiranto. He's a fun
guy, but he's not strong and clean enough to guarantee that
things are going to change in Indonesia."
BJ: Now, recently we've been seeing a series of political
dialogues or debates between the candidates on television.
Who, in your opinion, is coming across really well at this
point?
GB: "The easy way to answer this question is to say
who's NOT coming across well. Megawati is doing dismally.
It seems like the more she tries in this campaign, the worse
it gets and the television debates have done her any favours.
Yudhoyono does very well. He seems to be an intellectual man
who knows how to handle things. Wiranto is more charming,
but also clearly pretty sharp. But Megawati certainly just
doesn't project herself very well in any medium and certainly
on television, she's done very badly."
BJ: What specific mistakes has she been making?
GB: "It's a case of too little, too late. If she had
tried to identify a few key issues much earlier on, perhaps
people would be more generous to her. During the campaign
period, she keeps on dishing out rhetoric without suggesting
how she's going to deliver. Talking about unemployment is
great, but just some modicum of policy initiatives for creating
jobs would have been more convincing."
BJ: According to opinion polls and surveys, a substantial
proportion of voters is still undecided. What do you think
would determine the decisions of this group of people at this
stage?
GB: "If I was voting and if I was undecided at this
late stage, I would say to myself, "either I vote against
the person who is most likely to win according to opinion
polls on the grounds of keeping them honest, or I vote FOR
the most likely winner, since he appears to be so popular."
With 20 percent of the voters undecided and with Yudhoyono
now hitting about 40 percent or higher in opinion polls, I
think there's a fair chance he'll pick up enough undecided
voters to be elected president in one go next week."
BJ: So you're saying that we may not even need to go to a
second round. Yudhoyono could get the 50 + percent mandate
in the first round?
GB: "Well, the last time we had this discussion, I argued
to the contrary. It seemed impossible to imagine any candidate
getting more than 50 percent, even Yudhoyono who was polling
well as early as March. But now, it does seem that he's close
enough to that magic 50 percent just based on polling and
it's likely that he'll pick up enough undecided voters to
get him across the line."
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