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As part of political reforms, the Sultan of Brunei, Hassanal
Bolkiah has said that he would reopen its parliament after
it was suspended 20 years ago.
However, the state of emergency that was enforced in the
1960s after an armed revolt would still be in force.
There has been no parliament sitting in Brunei since 1962
and the legislative council was formally suspended in 1984
when Brunei gained independence from Britain.
But what are some of the possible reasons why Brunei has
decided to reinstate parliament after 20 years?
Felix Tan put this question to Professor Mohammad Abu Bakar
(AB), Head of the Department of International and Strategic
studies at the University of Malaya in Kuala Lumpur:
AB: Well, you must bear in mind that, in a way, the
recent efforts can be considered to little too late, considering
that the last round experimented democracy was more than 40
years ago in the early 60s - that was the major one. But that
led to the rebellion of the early 60s. So, in a way, in view
of Bruneis recent political history and non-strategic
position, you still can consider the recent or the latest
attempt as a major effort in the right direction. After all,
this is one reason why Brunei is heading towards that, another
reason is because of globalisation of democracy, which is
now impacting on the whole world, including Southeast Asia
in particular Indonesia. So, if you do realise, the urgency
of the situation, in view of the change of stance and change
of leadership in countries like Indonesia, so you could well
understand the reasons for Bruneis latest attempts.
But to what extent are economic factors responsible for the
reconvening of the parliament in Brunei?
AB: Well, I am not very sure about the economic side,
but what I can say is that for the last 20 or 30 years, the
Brunei people had been rather well taken care of by the government,
so much so that there is not much discontent in the country.
So that also must have given additional confidence, on the
part of the government, to re-experiment democracy, presumably
I cannot be categorical on this issue because I am more inclined
to attribute it to the first factor, i.e. the globalisation
of democracy, which is right now impacting all around. But
of course, the chances are that also the Brunei government
is going in that direction partly in reaction to whatever
economic development that is taking place either in Brunei
per se or in the whole of Southeast Asia.
Now, what will the process of reinstating the legislative
council entail?
AB: Well, so far, all that has not come into broader
relief
but if one goes back to earlier experiments,
one can see that there will be greater participation of political
parties. But unlike before, which saw at least one socialist
oriented or leftist inclined party, like Parti Rakyat Brunei.
I do not think the present government will have to contend
with similar parties because of the change of power configuration
in the world, with the Cold War no longer on and with communism
no longer a threat in Southeast Asia and also, in the absence
of people like Sukarno in Indonesia. So, in all likelihood,
the parties concerned will be more or less malleable, tamed
and are able to lead, probably, to the expectations of the
present government.
Will the members of parliament be appointed this time around
or elected?
AB: I cannot be categorical about that either simply
because they have not spelt it out yet. In the newspapers
reading, what I could see is that they are going to liberalise.
In that way, how much, it is very difficult for me to say.
Maybe you can see how it unfolds in the coming few days.
What kind of implication will this have on the monarchy,
I mean, what sort of role will the Sultan play then?
AB: You must bear in mind the political socialisation
that Brunei has gone through in the last 40 years. And also
the economic development, which has shaped the Sultanate and
must have, more or less, influenced the attitudes of the people
towards the Sultanate also. Meaning that they might be more
favourable this time around. In view of the fact that, as
I have noted earlier, they have been taken care of by the
government over the last 40 years. And secondly, of course,
the so-called outside influence - the British
influence in Brunei was very much noticeable in the 60s and
the 70s may not be a sticking point anymore. In view of the
fact that the people have, more or less, overcome some of
the earlier problems related to the so-called colonialism
or neo-colonialism.
I also understand that the state of emergency, which was
enforced since 1962 still remains in force today, to ensure
public order. Now, why is that so?
AB: Well, probably that is still this lurking fear
after all, the remnants of Parti Rakyat Brunei are to be found
in Brunei itself or outside Brunei. So, they might invoke
the past in order to resurrect their earlier struggles, even
though that does not augur well for the future of Parti Rakyat
Brunei - either in the sense that most of people, by and large,
have not sided with them anymore and many of the old Guards
have already left the scene. But at the same time, by virtue
of the fact that they have experienced that, have gone through
those
, I can understand the sensitivities of the present
government.
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