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Is
the global regulatory system fit for purpose in the 21st century?
Monetary Authority of Singapore Lecture Speech
By
Howard Davies, Chairman, Financial Services Authority, UK
19 May 2003
I
am greatly honoured to have been invited by the Monetary Authority
of Singapore to deliver their 2003 Lecture.
Over the eight years for which I have had responsibility for
banking supervision in the UK I have come greatly to respect
the Authority's skill and dedication, through some difficult
times in the region. Your Chairman, Deputy Prime Minister
Lee, and your Managing Director Koh Yong Guan, have both been
wise advisers to me over the years, and we have shared many
useful discussions here and in London.
In
1995, when I was still at the Bank of England, we were handling
the aftermath of the Baring's collapse. Since then, we have
worked on many issues together in many places, particularly
in the informed international group of integrated regulators,
which is proving to be a valuable forum for the exchange of
ideas and experience.
I shall be leaving the FSA at the end of September to move
to the London School of Economics. But that will not break
my links with Singapore : there are very many LSE alumni in
the MAS, and in Singapore more generally, so I will continue
to have a sound excuse to visit.
You were kind enough to give me the freedom to choose my subject
today. In doing so I have posed a question. Is the Global
Regulatory System fit for purpose in the 21st century?
We could all save time if I answered 'yes' or 'no' and sat
down. But I will indulge myself with a few reflections, based
on eight years as a regulator, before I give you my considered
response.
The Asian crisis and its aftermath
In the immediate aftermath of the Asian financial crises of
1997-98, there were widespread calls for a fundamental reform
of the international financial architecture. It was argued
that the traumas of Korea, Indonesia and Thailand, pointed
to fundamental weaknesses in the international financial system.
These were countries with relatively sound fiscal positions,
enjoying rapid economic growth, yet when a crisis of confidence
hit, their financial systems collapsed with alarming speed.
This experience, which took the international financial institutions
by surprise, appeared to demonstrate both that the IMF's financial
surveillance was inadequate, and that its crisis management
tools were similarly lacking. Though it is also appropriate
to point out that the markets did not see the crisis coming
either.
There are those like Jeffrey Sachs and, from a different perspective,
Joe Stiglitz, who have used this failure to mount a major
assault on the policies and practices of the Fund over many
years. These disputes rumble on, as Stigiltz's ill-tempered
ad hominem attack on Stanley Fischer (in Globalization and
Its Discontents) demonstrated. Personality-driven disputes
are entertaining for the press. But the more important question
remains whether the institutional framework for overseeing
financial markets, seeking to prevent crises and, when prevention
fails, to manage them, is adequate. Open financial markets
will always be prone to bouts of irrational exuberance, but
do we do enough to contain the collateral damage which excessive
volatility can cause?
Some academics, notably John Eatwell at Cambridge, argue that
we need a fundamental recasting of the international financial
institutions. He favours the creation of World Financial Authority
charged with setting the regulatory framework for financial
markets across the globe, and endowed with powers of intervention
when crisis threatens. His arguments are persuasive, but it
seems unlikely that countries will be prepared to cede
sovereignty to such an authority on a scale which would be
necessary to make it work effectively.
There have been many other less ambitious proposals, both
from within the IMF and the World Bank, and from individual
countries. For a time it seemed as though the creative departments
of every Finance Ministry in the world ? if that is not an
oxymoron ? were engaged in a kind of architectural competition
to draw up a new set of relationships between the international
financial institutions, their member countries, and the key
regulatory organisations in the financial sector.
On the face of it, the changes made as a result of this frenzy
of creativity have been very modest. No major new institutions
have been set up.
But one potentially significant development was the establishment
of the Financial Stability Forum, in a response to a report
commissioned by G7 Finance Ministers from Hans Tietmeyer,
the retiring President of the Bundesbank. The Forum includes
Finance Ministries, Central Banks and the main financial regulators
from each of the G7 countries, together with the representatives
of the various "Trade Unions" of regulators such
as the Basel Committee of Banking Supervisors, the International
Organisation of Securities Commissions (IOSCO) and the International
Association of Insurance Supervisors (IAIS). Singapore, along
with Hong Kong, Australia and the Netherlands, are also present
as representatives of other major financial centres while
the Chair of IOSCO's Emerging Market Committee currently participates
to ensure some emerging market input, though only from a securities
perspective. With the establishment of the FSF, for the first
time financial regulators were brought into the surveillance
game, reflecting the lessons of 97-98.
The Forum, as its name suggests, is charged with monitoring
financial stability, and acting as a venue for exchange of
information and the common assessment of vulnerabilities in
the international financial system. It does not, however,
hold any authority over member countries, or indeed over the
regulators. It would therefore be hard to describe it as even
one step in the direction of a world financial authority.
The Forum also has no role in the management of any crises
that may still occur.
In addition to the FSF, there was some tinkering with other
committee memberships. For example, the Group of 22, which
in fact had grown to have 33 members, was scaled back to become
the Group of 20 ? though actually it includes 19 countries
and the European Union, which makes 34! That momentous change,
in 1999, has not obviously made the world a safer place.
The founding of the G20 did, however, represent a recognition
by the international community that solutions to global financial
pressures had to reach well beyond the G7. Singapore is not
represented at the G20. Nor are regulators like the FSA. Nonetheless,
the group, composed of finance ministers and central bankers
from both developed and emerging markets, has been useful
in obtaining emerging market high-level political buy-in to
initiatives arising from elsewhere in the financial system.
The G20 have all agreed, in principle, to undergo IMF Financial
Sector Assessment Program (FSAP) evaluations and, under the
current chairmanship of Mexico, they are looking at economic
growth and the role of institution - building in the financial
sector along with crisis management, transparency, combating
terrorist financing and development issues more broadly.
These institutional adjustments do not look fundamental. But
there has been more change below the surface than they might
suggest. Perhaps most importantly, a broad, albeit not universal,
international consensus has developed that soft currency pegs,
or other fixed exchange rate regimes, are, in combination
with an adverse policy mix, highly likely to contribute to
financial crises, and highly unlikely to protect countries
from the
financial market implications of poor economic fundamentals,
or unstable financial systems.
The second important development, less widely discussed, yet
which may be of equal significance, is a radical change in
the focus of the IMF's surveillance work. In institutional
terms this change in focus is highlighted by the creation
of a new Capital Markets Division in the Fund, which prepares
a regular Global Financial Stability Report. That document,
which has attracted too little international attention so
far, is a brave
attempt by the Fund's staff, reinforced by new recruits from
the financial markets under Gerd Hausler, late of Dresdner
Bank, to focus attention on potential sources of financial
instability in institutions and markets. That means, at times,
drawing attention to weaknesses in the banking and insurance
systems even of G7 countries, which has hitherto been difficult
territory for the IMF.
Yet it is important for it to do so, not wholly because of
the potential benefit for G7 countries themselves, but also
to show that developed countries are taking the medicine which
they now impose on others. This is because the second major
change at the IMF has been the rapid expansion of its work
on financial regulation. The Fund is now committed to preparing
financial sector assessments (FSAPs) of member countries,
and indeed of some non-members too, such as the significant
offshore financial centres.
These assessments review the effectiveness of regulatory structures,
financial regulation and adherence to internationally accepted
financial sector core standards and codes.
What is the rationale for this activity, which is now consuming
a significant proportion of the Fund's resources?
The Asian crisis demonstrated that poorly regulated financial
systems, particularly banking systems, could themselves be
a cause of crisis, even where the macro-economic position
might look relatively stable. In the case of countries like
Indonesia, Korea and Thailand it became clear after the event
that their banks were heavily exposed to currency risk through
unhedged dollar borrowings. Furthermore, that the regulators
in those countries had paid little attention to this mismatch,
and indeed little
attention to credit quality. In many cases banks were far
too close to the companies to which they lent. There had been
a rapid expansion of connected lending and little policing
of large exposures, so banks were highly vulnerable to individual
corporate collapses. That, in turn, precipitated the crisis
in the banking system which turned an economic adjustment
into a full blown systemic collapse.
Certainly, it will take some time for this IMF assessment
programme to bear fruit and it will be crucial to turn initial
assessments into effective long-term mitigation and implementation
strategies. This will require both political commitment and,
where appropriate, technical assistance. But there are signs
that more developing countries now appreciate the importance
of independent systems of financial regulation, and that the
Finance Minister's best friend may not necessarily be the
right choice as head of banking supervision, particularly
not if his family owns a large slice of the banking system.
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