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Commentary: COVID-19 unites China in fear, grief and anger

The outbreak has affected many Chinese citizens across the rural-urban divide, class and age, says an observer.

Commentary: COVID-19 unites China in fear, grief and anger

Volunteers wearing face masks stand in a line to pass down groceries to residents inside a residential compound, in Yichang city of Hubei, the province hit hardest by the novel coronavirus outbreak, China March 1, 2020. Picture taken March 1, 2020. China Daily via REUTERS

NEW YORK CITY: The novel coronavirus has killed more than 3,000 people and spread into Europe and Latin America, raising fears of a global pandemic.

But in China, where the outbreak began, it took just one death to unleash the grief and fury of a nation. On Feb 7, 34-year-old Dr Li Wenliang – one of eight whistle-blowers who first sounded alarms about the new coronavirus in Hubei Province back in December – died from COVID-19.

Public vigils were held across the country. Chinese people angry over the government’s handling of the public health emergency also went online en masse and placed blame for Li’s death squarely at the government’s feet.

Using text, songs, pictures and symbolic imagery to evade censors, they asserted that the Chinese government had both covered up the coronavirus outbreak and downplayed the seriousness of the disease, causing avoidable deaths.

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A song from the musical Les Miserables, Do You Hear The People Sing? made the rounds on social media. One lyric celebrates “the music of the people who will not be slaves again” – a refrain of resistance that recalls the Chinese national anthem, “Arise, ye who refuse to be slaves”.

One civil rights activist even published an open letter asking President Xi Jinping to resign.


While short-lived, the popular anger over COVID-19 was a significant development in China. Such expressions would have been unimaginable just a few months ago.

Whistleblowing doctor Li Wenliang's death sparked a rare outpouring of grief and anger on social media over the government's handling of the crisis AFP/Anthony WALLACE

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Chinese media and the Internet have developed along two separate but ultimately similar paths, with restrictions imposed by the Chinese government. Online news media, which emerged in the 1990s in China, was immediately integrated into the traditional state media system and strictly controlled. 

For-profit businesses have more space to operate on the Internet as a means to boost China’s economy.

Chinese social media platforms like WeChat and Weibo are vibrant and well used, but they are dominated by entertainment, gossip and other sensational content – not political speech.

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During the height of coronavirus fury, the government lost control of both realms of the Chinese Internet. On social media, celebrity gossip gave way to discussions of public affairs, social issues and politics. Comments critical of the government were widely circulated.

China’s most daring investigative journalists joined the fray.

The day after Dr Li’s death on Feb 8, Yicai Magazine published a timeline showing the spread of the coronavirus in an article titled “If there was a possibility to sound the alarm on Wuhan, which day would it be?”.

FILE PHOTO: A woman in protective gear rides a shared bicycle past a mural in Wuhan, the epicentre of the novel coronavirus outbreak, Hubei province, China February 28, 2020. REUTERS/Stringer/File photo

Other outlets published investigative stories about disinformation, corruption within aid groups and the scarcity of medical supplies.


The public outcry over COVID-19 was also unprecedented because in a society that has long been deeply divided, it united Chinese across classes and geography.

Since China opened up its socialist economy in 1978, partially liberalising markets and reducing the state’s oversight over all economic activity, gross domestic product has grown by around 10 per cent annually. More than 850 million Chinese people were lifted out of poverty.

But surging growth has brought roaring income inequality – among the world’s worst. Chinese society is hugely divided between rural and urban areas, with urban households earning on average more than three times as much as rural households, according to the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development.

China’s inequality is geographic too. While privileged elite and middle classes in coastal cities have access to top-notch education systems, health care and infrastructure, inland residents frequently lack access to these services. Rural unemployment is high.

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Internet access is among China’s unevenly distributed services. According to the 2019 report from the China Internet Network Information Center, 61 per cent of Chinese people can get online at home or on a mobile device, whereas Northern Europe has the highest online penetration rate of 95 per cent and Western Europe 92 per cent.

The Internet has proven to be a powerful tool for China’s “have-less” and “have-nots” to connect with each other and with job opportunities.

Unlike in other countries where online activism has triggered mass protests, the Internet has not historically enabled Chinese people to come together across economic and social divides to protest.

Passengers wearing masks are seen arriving at the Shanghai railway station on Feb 27, 2020. (Photo: Reuters/Aly Song) FILE PHOTO: Passengers wearing masks are seen arrival at the Shanghai railway station in Shanghai, China, as the country is hit by an outbreak of a new coronavirus, February 27, 2020. REUTERS/Aly Song

Most social movements in China – both online and offline – gain traction only within similar groups whose interests are clearly aligned.

Environmental protests against the construction of chemical plants in the cities of Xiamen and Dalian in 2007 and 2011, for example, drew students and urbanites. Labour protests for better pay, working conditions and the right to unionise in 2018 were confined to China’s working classes.


COVID-19 is different: The threat is universal.

The outbreak affects Chinese across classes and threatens different interest groups within classes. Quarantines of entire villages and communities, sealed off as the government tries to control the outbreak of the virus, impact the lives of every single resident.

Nor are rural areas exempt from coronavirus. The Chinese migrant workers who live in the outskirts of cities were headed back to their rural hometowns en masse when the virus hit during the Chinese New Year – the largest annual human migration in the world, called “Chunyun”. Some of them brought coronavirus with them to places where the lack of medical resources is severe.

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Economically, the coronavirus has hurt a wide swath of Chinese society, too. With factories and offices shuttered, both white-collar and blue-collar workers are facing potential layoffs or delayed return to work, depriving them of income. Street vendors, shops and service industries are all hit hard.

Between the seriousness of the virus and the mass pause of all Chinese society, everyone seems to be questioning systemic problems long disguised or ignored in a national discourse dominated by narratives of stability, nationalism and economic development.

The lack of transparency, inequality and the shortage of medical resources are longstanding problems in China. Coronavirus brought them to the fore, and, if only for a brief moment, the Chinese people demanded better.

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Yuqi Na is a course instructor at Fordham University London Centre. This commentary first appeared on The Conversation.

Source: CNA/el


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