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Commentary: Social media shutdowns don't reduce violence but fuel it further

Not a single shutdown has followed with any sort of evidence that it worked to protect public safety, says Stanford University Jan Rydzak.

Commentary: Social media shutdowns don't reduce violence but fuel it further

A computer screen shows an inaccessible Facebook page after the Sri Lankan government decided to shut down social messaging networks, in Colombo. (Photo: REUTERS/Dinuka Liyanawatte)

STANFORD, California: In the wake of a series of coordinated attacks that claimed more than 250 lives on Apr 21, the government of Sri Lanka shut off its residents’ access to social media and online messaging systems, including Facebook, WhatsApp, YouTube, Snapchat and Viber. 

The official government concern was that “false news reports were spreading through social media".

Some commentators applauded the move, suggesting the dangers of disinformation on social media justified shutting down communication networks in times of crisis. 

Five years of research on the impact of shutdowns and other information controls on societies worldwide have led me to the exact opposite conclusion.

A diverse community of academics, businesses and civil society groups shares my view. The blackouts deprived Sri Lankans of impartial news reports and disconnected families from each other as they sought to find out who had survived and who was among the dead and injured.

READ: Sri Lanka social media shutdown raises fears on free expression

Most strikingly, recent research suggests that the blackouts might have increased the potential for protest and violence in the wake of the attack.


Sri Lanka’s latest social media shutdown was not an isolated incident. The first time Sri Lanka took a similar action was amid violent unrest in 2018. 

It was one of 188 network shutdowns or large-scale disruptions to digital communication that year all around the world, according to digital rights advocacy organization Access Now.

Overall, since the Arab Spring began in 2010, governments have carried out at least 400 shutdowns across more than 40 countries. Those include hundreds of ephemeral shutdowns in India, where they first emerged as a localised response to unrest in the northern region of Kashmir and subsequently spread to most other states.

Sri Lanka's blocking of social media aims to curb misinformation but some analysts say it won't stop efforts to foment violence. (AFP/ARUN SANKAR)

The number also includes so-called “digital sieges,” which last for weeks or months at a time. For example, long-lasting, government-imposed blackouts have ravaged burgeoning digital economies such as that of Anglophone Cameroon and have disconnected businesses, relatives and communities in Chad for more than a year.

In study after study, civil society organisations have documented the human rights problems caused by internet shutdowns and the economic damage they produce.

Only recently have researchers begun to ask a more fundamental question: Do massive disruptions to digital communication achieve their intended purposes? 

Sri Lanka’s government is one of many to publicly claim that their goal in severing communication links is to prevent the spread of disinformation and decrease violence based on those falsehoods – but not a single one has followed a shutdown with any sort of evidence that it worked to protect public safety.


Many scholars have tried to figure out if there is a link between access to social media and violence, but it’s an extremely difficult task.

READ: Beware the culture warriors of social media, a commentary

For one thing, social media websites and services are always changing how their systems work, making them hard to study over time. 

Connectivity also advances at a lightning-fast pace: In 2018, for instance, internet penetration in rural India increased at an annual rate of 30 per cent, connecting hundreds of millions of people for the first time. Today, roughly three more Indian citizens are introduced to the internet every second.

A man watches a video on his mobile phone as he commutes by a suburban train in Mumbai, India, March 31, 2016. (Photo: REUTERS/Shailesh Andrade/Files)

READ: Media outlets clamp down on fake news in India, a commentary

Shutdowns, however, are fixed in time and space, and their effects blanket large swathes of an area’s population. This lets scholars study their effects with more confidence. 

Research on early blackouts has shown that Egypt’s disappearance from the global internet in 2011 backfired spectacularly, spreading protesters away from Tahrir Square and into numerous decentralised pockets of resistance. 

Coordination of the demonstrations swiftly moved from Facebook event pages to individual efforts in each neighbourhood. This proved impossible for security forces to subdue. Ten days later, the Mubarak regime fell.

In the Syrian Civil War, the government used shutdowns as a weapon of war, following up with increased violence against civilians. 

In Africa, governments that own the communication infrastructure and leaders who rule in virtual perpetuity are more inclined to pull the plug, but there is no evidence to suggest that shutdowns are effective in discouraging street protest or violent unrest.

In the midst of a crisis, this leaves the government as the only official gatekeeper of information. That becomes especially problematic when the government itself becomes a conduit for false and potentially harmful news, as was the case when Sri Lankan media circulated police reports that falsely identified a student at Brown University as a terrorist following the recent attack.

Mass demonstrations in Cairo's Tahrir Square produced some of the Arab Spring's most iconic images (Photo: AFP/PEDRO UGARTE)


In India, state governments have faced thousands of peaceful demonstrations, as well as episodes of violent unrest. The country has become by far the world’s most prolific executor of deliberate internet blackouts over the last several years.

READ: India's 'WhatsApp election' will fuel the misinformation blame game, a commentary

The results of my study on thousands of protests in India in 2016, as well as data tracking the location, timing and duration of shutdowns from a variety of cross-referenced news sources and civil society groups, were striking.

Under a blackout, each successive day of protest had more violence than would typically happen as a protest unfolded with continued internet access. 

Meanwhile, the effects of shutdowns on peaceful demonstrations, which are usually more likely to rely on careful coordination through digital channels, were ambiguous and inconsistent. 

In no scenario were blackouts consistently linked to reduced levels of protest over the course of several days. Instead of curtailing protest, they seemed to encourage a tactical shift to strategies that are less orderly, more chaotic and more violent.


Recent events only seem to confirm these dynamics. 

The regimes of Abdelaziz Bouteflika in Algeria and Omar al-Bashir in Sudan both resorted to shutdowns before imploding. The drastic measures did nothing to rein in the protests in either country. Instead, shutting off internet access may have accelerated their downfalls.

FILE PHOTO: Demonstrators hold banners as they return to the streets to press demands for wholesale democratic change well beyond former president Abdelaziz Bouteflika's resignation, in Algiers, Algeria April 19, 2019. (Photo: REUTERS/Ramzi Boudina/File Photo)

READ: Is a second Arab Spring underway in Algeria? A commentary

Even if shutdowns are ineffective, they can be tempting for governments that need to be seen taking action. 

Vague and often antiquated laws let them implement drastic measures like shutdowns easily and quickly, with a written order or even a simple phone call. 

The evidence shows that this takes a heavy toll on their citizens, both economically and in terms of human rights, without offering them any additional protection or safety.

Jan Rydzak is Research Scholar and Associate Director for Programme at Stanford University's Global Digital Policy Incubator. This commentary first appeared on The Conversation. Read it here.

Source: CNA/nr(sl)


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