Commentary: Everyone understands China very differently

Commentary: Everyone understands China very differently

International strategic thinking concerns itself only with objective facts, but the human mind is more storyteller than analyst, says an observer.

Xi Jinping
Chinese President Xi Jinping speaks at a dinner marking the 70th anniversary of the founding of the People's Republic of China at the Great Hall of the People in Beijing.  (AP Photo/Andy Wong, File)

CANBERRA: International strategic thinking aims to balance national economic and security interests, and de-emphasise myriad subjective narratives about the world.

But does this formula actually work if nations like the United States and China are prone to misapprehending each other’s motivations and actions?

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The reality is that the human mind is more storyteller than factual analyst. It filters information to support narratives about the world and is less attuned to evidence than to the persuasiveness of characters who deliver it.

In international strategic thinking, objective and quantifiable interests take precedence over subjective values and narratives. Institutionalised diplomacy is to ensure that rational calculations dominate outcomes.


Research in neuroscience and psychology demonstrates, however, that narratives are not so easily abandoned when thinking strategically. Narratives are physically embodied in patterns of neuronal, emotional and psychological activity.

Attempting to confine international strategic thinking to security and economic interests is unlikely to stop subjective narratives from seeping in.

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The US-led strategy of engagement with China is supposed to have been sustained in Washington by a narrative that Beijing’s entry into international markets would drive democratic political reform.

In the same vein, Washington’s current view of China as a strategic competitor is underpinned by a narrative that China’s rise threatens America’s place at the top of the global order. The “China as threat” narrative interprets the Chinese Communist Party’s (CCP) pervasive yet opaque influence as evidence of a coordinated system of control that threatens US interests.

FILE PHOTO: Chinese President Xi Jinping speaks during the opening session of the 19th National Con
FILE PHOTO: Chinese President Xi Jinping speaks during the opening session of the 19th National Congress of the Communist Party of China, Oct 18, 2017. (Photo: REUTERS/Aly Song/File Photo)

A significant element in the policy community in Australia apparently buys the same story. Each explicit strategic appraisal of China is both constrained and propelled by an implicit mythology about itself (“the United States as liberal champion”) or the other (“China as nefarious threat”).

The narratives that underwrite US-led economic and security appraisals of China define the international arena as a contest between monolithic national actors. The only imaginable outcome of such a binary game is one nation prevailing over the other through coercion or control.


Neglecting the function of narrative in policy development deprives international strategic thinking of vital information required to envisage more sophisticated scenarios for shared security and prosperity.

The narrative underpinning the China-as-threat view inhibits analysis of evidence that the CCP is a decentralised and contested political system of relationships.

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The China-as-threat view also precludes the notion that international economic interdependence is an instrument of security. A country that pursues economic interdependence with China could pluralise and constrain China’s interests, while mitigating security risks.

The story that democratic political reform will inevitably follow economic liberalisation in China ignores how political and cultural processes complicate and drive social change. Policymakers need to take those processes into account to understand China’s transformation and the security risks it might pose to US interests.

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Security policymakers' strategy is never quite in line with that held by economic policymakers. Neither strategy offers sufficient scope for comprehending the multidimensionality of the geopolitical terrain.

Overlooking the narrative dimension in international strategic thought will lead to decisions that are at best inefficient, or at worst catastrophic – risking military conflict, financial crises and environmental degradation.


US President Donald Trump put Huawei on a blacklist over national security concerns
The Trump administration has been pressing other countries to ban Huawei equipment from their networks. (Photo: AFP/GABRIEL BOUYS) 

Current attempts by the United States to decouple from China in areas of science research and advanced technology might make sense if international relations were a winner-takes-all contest between great powers, and if China were a mortal threat to US interests.

But does this story offer space for the United States and its allies to assess the risks of disruption to global supply chains, fragmentation of international cooperation on research, cross-border data flows or IP protection?

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Chinese firms and organisations own close to a third of international patents in the field of artificial intelligence, account for over a fifth of the world’s R&D expenditure and author over a fifth of global peer-reviewed publications (a vast number of which are co-authored with US collaborators). These figures are set to rise for years to come.

Understanding the role of narratives is thus essential to deciding how to change international institutions in ways that promote economic and political interaction and reduce the chance of conflict.

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Experts in government studies Adam Breuer and Alastair Johnston drew on the analysis of cultural evolution to trace the development of the “China as a revisionist power” narrative in the US foreign policy community and English-language digital media.

They show that simple, categorical and zero-sum sub-narratives such as “China is a threat to the liberal order” and memes such as “China challenges the rules-based order” crowd out nuanced but less emotionally charged assessments of the China–US relationship.

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Analysing a specific policy in terms of the genealogy of the story helps to expose how emotional and subjective factors – not just explicit economic or security interests – shape international strategic thinking.

Ultimately, this informs thinking about the types of collective narratives needed to underwrite shared security and prosperity within national and international institutions of governance. 

FILE PHOTO: U.S. President Donald Trump and China's President Xi Jinping shake hands after mak
FILE PHOTO: U.S. President Donald Trump and China's President Xi Jinping shake hands after making joint statements at the Great Hall of the People in Beijing, China, November 9, 2017. REUTERS/Damir Sagolj/File Photo

“The United States plays chess while China plays Go” is a common adage to explain why both appear prone to misapprehending each other’s motivations and actions.

The problem is that existing frameworks for international strategic thinking do not offer space to imagine games with better outcomes for China, the US and the rest of the world – or to consider whether these nations should be playing games at all.

Jacob Taylor is a Visiting Research Fellow at the Asian Bureau of Economic Research at the ANU. This article first appeared on East Asia Forum.

Source: CNA/el