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Commentary: Polls are bullish on a Joe Biden win, but are they accurate?

Betting markets are considerably more wary in predicting the 2020 US election, says an observer.

Commentary: Polls are bullish on a Joe Biden win, but are they accurate?

A woman cleans a voting booth at a polling station located at the McFaul Activity Center in Bel Air, Harford County, during early voting in Maryland, U.S., October 27, 2020. REUTERS/Hannah McKay

SWANSEA, Wales: The world is gripped by fevered speculation regarding the outcome of the US presidential election. Will there be a second term for Donald Trump, or will Joe Biden best him at the polls?

In a recent tweet,, a British online gambling company, showed that more money has already been bet on this election on its exchange than on the 2019 Grand National horse race, the 2018 men’s football World Cup final and the Conor McGregor vs Floyd Mayweather boxing match combined.

While we’ll know a lot more once the ballots begin to be counted (although this, in itself, could be a protracted and contentious process), there is currently a very wide array of opinion about what the most likely result will be.

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Traditionally, both media coverage and scholars have focused on public opinion polls in evaluating likely election outcomes. 

Here, Biden has a commanding lead of 7 per cent to 8 per cent nationally, when you aggregate across various polling companies.

In fact, sites such as Real Clear Politics and FiveThirtyEight show a remarkable stability in Biden’s polling advantage in recent months, in what has often felt like a chaotic and unpredictable campaign.

Many polling analysts have pointed out Biden’s polling lead is larger and more consistent than Hillary Clinton’s in 2016. 

There are far fewer undecided voters (estimated at about 3 per cent in this cycle as opposed to 11 per cent in 2016), and, of course, there’s been a massive upturn in early voting.

READ: Portrait of an election: US race boils down to six swing states

Crucially, Biden also holds (admittedly narrower) polling leads in the “battleground” states that will be crucial to the election outcome.

Forecasters who use polls to create an estimate of the likelihood of election results are therefore bullish about Biden’s chances – with FiveThiryEight giving the Democratic nominee an 89 per cent chance and the The Economist forecast going as high as 95 per cent.

Democratic presidential candidate and former Vice President Joe Biden speaks during a drive-in rally outside of Heinz Field on Pittsburgh's North Shore, Monday, Nov. 2, 2020. (Alexandra Wimley/Pittsburgh Post-Gazette via AP)

But the election gamblers are considerably more cautious. When you translate the odds available for Biden across a range of gambling companies into probabilities, they give him a 64 per cent chance.

While this has ticked up as the campaign has unfolded (and particularly following Trump’s COVID-19 diagnosis) there remains a striking discrepancy. Why is this the case?


Fundamentally, the difference comes down to doubts about the validity of polling as a means of ascertaining voting intention in this election.

While the electoral college gives Trump an in-built advantage, this is taken into account in poll-based forecasts. Furthermore, while polling error is also factored in, many people are betting that the polls are systematically biased against Trump.

READ: The Big Read: Will it be Trump or Biden? A weary world is watching

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As a recent article in The Hill explained, there are several mechanisms that could create such an outcome.

In the first place, there is something called social desirability bias, which arises when a certain survey answer is perceived to be potentially offensive to the interviewer.

With American politics as highly polarised as they are, voters might be “shy” about admitting their true intention to vote for Trump.

Second, there is a wider process in play whereby the polling industry is increasingly being conflated with the “lamestream media” in American political discourse.

This might lead to a refusal of some likely Trump voters to participate in polling, and may encourage others to seek to “punk” pollsters by deliberately misleading them.

Supporters listen as President Donald Trump speaks at a campaign rally at Wilkes-Barre Scranton International Airport in Avoca, Pennsylvania, on Monday, Nov 2, 2020. (Photo: AP/Gene J Puskar)

In such a scenario, it is extremely difficult to know how much the polls can be trusted – and this, alongside the memory of the way the 2016 election result was so wrongly predicted, helps to explain the relative caution of the betting markets.


It also shows us just how much is at stake in this campaign for the polling industry.

In order for the election to be close run, or for Trump to win, the polls would have to be systematically biased against him to the tune of about 5 per cent nationally.

The very consistency of polling would, in retrospect, be damning for pollsters, and massively diminish the allure of polling in both future election races and day-to-day political coverage.

READ: Commentary: Trump and Biden battle in last leg of presidential race – but do Americans care?

READ: Commentary: If Biden wins, what’s next for Trump – and Trumpism?

It is likely that polling companies are aware of this, which throws up a further possibility – what if Biden’s support is being systematically underestimated?

With pollsters incentivised to seek out and weight Trump supporters in their analysis – while likely to face little recrimination for underestimating Biden’s support – this is not as unlikely as it may seem.

So where does this leave us? Well, as the baseball-playing philsopher Yogi Berra is often quoted as saying: “It’s tough to make predictions, especially about the future.”

One key consideration is that even the most bullish forecasts for Biden are not absolute, and they leave (admittedly narrow) scope for Trump to win.

Biden has certainly run a frontrunner’s campaign, largely aiming to avoid mistakes and lately focusing his campaign activities on traditionally “red” states. 

Soon, we’ll discover whether this was smart strategy or electoral hubris.

Matt Wall is Associate Professor, Political and Cultural Studies at Swansea University. Allaina Kilby is Lecturer in Journalism at Swansea University. Richard Thomas is Senior Lecturer, Media and Communication at Swansea University. This commentary first appeared on The Conversation.

Source: CNA/el


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