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Commentary: Najib Razak's new bid for house arrest leaves Malaysia in a political funk

Najib Razak’s push for house arrest has reignited discussions about his political future, with implications for Malaysian Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim and coalition dynamics, says Southeast Asian politics expert Sophie Lemiere.

Commentary: Najib Razak's new bid for house arrest leaves Malaysia in a political funk
File photo. Former Malaysia’s prime minister Najib Razak arrives at Kuala Lumpur court heavily surrounded by prison guards. (Photo: CNA/Fadza Ishak)
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KUALA LUMPUR: In a country where political drama is as common as the tropical heat, Malaysia finds itself embroiled in yet another controversy surrounding its former prime minister, Najib Razak.

The man who remains behind bars, shouldering most, if not all, of the responsibility for the 1Malaysia Development Berhad (1MDB) scandal, is now at the centre of a new political maelstrom that threatens to upend Malaysia’s fragile balance of power.

The recent hullabaloo stems from a Court of Appeal decision with regards to Najib’s claim of a royal order that would allow him to serve the remainder of his jail sentence under house arrest.

Najib claims that the document was issued by Malaysia’s former king as an addendum to a partial royal pardon on Jan 29 last year that reduced his jail sentence by half to six years. Almost a year later, after much political ping-pong and two court decisions, the whereabouts and very existence of this document remain shrouded in mystery.

The palace of Malaysia’s former king has reportedly issued a letter confirming the existence of the document. But recent comments by current Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim, who has been accused of a “cover-up” to keep Najib behind bars, have only served to deepen the intrigue surrounding the case.

According to Anwar, the royal addendum was sent directly to the attorney-general, who then forwarded the document to the palace for consideration when the new king took over, bypassing him completely.

In the latest twist, the Attorney-General’s Chambers has said it plans to apply for a gag order to prevent the public from discussing issues related to the royal addendum. 

NAJIB’S INFLUENCE

Should Najib be released from prison and placed under house arrest, it would mark a significant shift in Malaysia’s political landscape. A return to the political arena, even if confined to his home, would upset the current balance of power.

With Najib's financial resources and his status as the quintessential UMNO man, his potential release poses a direct threat to United Malays National Organisation president Ahmad Zahid Hamidi's position within the party.

Zahid's influence could wane significantly. This, in turn, would weaken Anwar's position, as the two have been political bedfellows even before their parties officially allied in the coalition government.

Anwar has long walked a tightrope between appeasing UMNO and maintaining his image as a reformist favoured by Western powers in the hopes of transforming a strategically important Muslim nation into a full-fledged democracy.

Najib’s resurgence could overshadow Anwar's already much-contested achievements, definitely discredit his anti-corruption agenda, and diminish even further his appeal to Malay voters - a demographic that Najib has consistently outperformed him with.

Najib has little to lose. The addendum, whether it exists or not, is key to his potential political resurrection.

If it does exist, Najib is priming the public for his triumphant return. If it doesn't, he would have sown enough doubt and uncertainty to compel political players to reveal their true allegiances, either aligning with or distancing themselves from his party and the government.

However, as history has repeatedly shown, political allegiances in Malaysia can change quickly.

On Jan 6, a solidarity rally for Najib drew unexpected participants, including members of the ruling coalition and allies of Parti Keadilan Rakyat (PKR) and UMNO. More surprising still was the presence of top-level opposition figures, namely leaders from Parti Islam Se-Malaysia (PAS) and Parti Pribumi Bersatu Malaysia (Bersatu).

Their objective appears to be to marginalise Anwar's party and its non-Malay ally, the Democratic Action Party (DAP), in an attempt to create a super Malay front. However, their support for Najib seems to be more strategic than personal.

CAPITALISING ON UNCERTAINTY

As Malaysia watches this political drama unfold, will Najib, who once stood at the pinnacle of power, engineer a comeback that reshapes the country's political landscape? Or will his bid for house arrest prove to be his final act on the Malaysian political stage?

Najib appears to be capitalising on the uncertainty. Chaos can be the perfect breeding ground for messianic returns in politics, particularly in times of crisis, and Najib knows this.

During the COVID-19 pandemic, Najib carefully orchestrated his public image, steering conversations on economic issues on social media platforms. He rode on resentment on the ground, criticising the government of the day for playing down the effects of the outbreak and dismissing a possible economic downturn.

During a meeting with then prime minister Ismail Sabri Yaakob, he was praised as being “committed to contributing his time, energy and ideas as a team for the sake of the Malaysian Family”.

Despite his legal troubles, many still view his tenure as a period of relative prosperity.

While Malaysia’s economic indicators have been improving - advance estimates on Friday (Jan 17) show GDP rose 5.1 per cent in 2024 over 2023’s 3.6 per cent - stagnant wages, underemployment and a lack of high-paying jobs reflect growth constraints.

Though not unique to Malaysia, history is replete with examples of leaders making comebacks during times of chaos and economic disarray.

The United States' November election is yet another example of how, in times of uncertainty, people often gravitate to familiar figures who represent a connection to a more stable past, real or imagined.

For Najib, this global tendency towards nostalgia could prove to be a powerful tool in his bid for political redemption, potentially paving the way for a dramatic return to the forefront of Malaysian politics.

Dr Sophie Lemiere is a political anthropologist who specialises in Malaysian and Southeast Asian politics, and has held research and teaching positions in major universities across Europe, the United States and Southeast Asia. She is currently Adjunct Fellow at the Center for Strategic and International Studies, a Washington-based think tank, as well as Research Fellow at College de France in Paris.

Source: CNA/aj
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